The Attack on Chattanooga, June 7, 1862

Map of Road from Jasper to Chattanooga (on the right edge of the map)
Detail of Map by N. Michler, 1862 (Library of Congress)

From Sweeden's Cove to Chattanooga

After a perfectly executed surprise attack on Confederate cavalrymen at Sweeden's Cove on June 4, 1862, the 79th Pennsylvania and other units in Gen. Negley's command continued east towards the critically important city of Chattanooga.  They arrived in the town of Jasper, Tennessee, on June 5 where the collected prisoners from the battle the day before and stared up at the mountains before them.

Almost every account from the 79th Pennsylvania mentions hordes of Unionist refugees living under pieces of canvas in the mountains and swamps.  In his diary entry for June 6, Sgt. William T. Clark (bio) remarked

We passed through some pretty good country, the people showering blessing upon us. One woman gave a Cavalry man a flag with the inscription the Union & Constitution & Remember Washington. In another place we saw a family who had been driven from home because their son would not enlist in the rebel service. They were in a swamp with nothing but a piece of canvas to protect them from the weather. She said she hoped that God might bless us & our Cause. We caught seventeen prisoners. This is the most loyal part of the country we have been in yet.

In a letter to his wife on June 14, Pvt. Lewis Jones (bio) echoed Clark

when we got over the Cumberland mountins in to Eastern Tennssee ther was the firs union men I saw the first Union men I saw for months when they hear that we wer a coming a long they com out of the mountins  I saw one old man com to me and asked a bout his sons that had wen of in the night to Kentucky to join the union armey and he had bin liven in th ewood for weeks a frad to go to his sons  I saw women and childer a living in the oods that had bin run out of town on acont of ther sones a beaing in the union armey

The First Battle of Chattanooga

Sketch of Chattanooga (Source)

On June 7, the 79th Pennsylvania left its lofty bivouac early in the morning and began to descend the mountains to Chattanooga--scenery that Clark called "beautiful in the extreme."  Colonel Hambright's makeshift brigade arrived at the Tennessee River shortly after noon, and ascended a hill that commanded Chattanooga from the opposite side of the river.

As Hambright sent skirmishers forward to the river bank, Confederate infantry and artillery entrenched about 400 yards away on the city-side of the river opened fire and prepared to dispute any crossing.  The two artillery sections (four guns total) attached to Hambright's command replied very effectively.  (Note: the alleged first shot has been preserved and is now in a private collection.)  The cannonading and sharpshooting continued five hours until the Confederate guns became silent, although actual losses are hard to ascertain from official reports. [Link: Hambright's Official Report]

One 79th Pennsylvania soldier on the firing line was Pvt. James Fields of Company A, whose letter to his father was printed in the July 5, 1862, Weekly Mariettian.

In the morning...we continued our march over the mountain chain, toward the great city of Chattanooga at the foot of the great Cumberland mountain, where the rebels were laying with the city well fortified and entrenched with rifle pits and in readiness for us--but all this was of no avail, for we knocked theam into a three-cocked hat when we came.  We planted six cannon pointing right into the rifle pits and then we got reinforcements of the Ohio 5th, of four cannons, making ten pieces, which enabled us to give them brisk work.  The Colonel then employed skirmishers to go down to the river's edge to shoot them from the rifle pits while the cannon would fire on their entrenchments.  I was one of the number to skirmish, and we fired at them all afternoon while the cannon blazed away at them until their guns were disabled.  We could see them all afternoon carrying out their dead, and at sundown they ceased firing and evacuated the place, which we soon took possession of.      

View of Tennessee River
from Lookout Mountain
(Library of Congress)

The Union artillery reopened fire the next day but failed to solicit a response.  By afternoon, Negley declared his mission a success and started to make the return trip back over the mountains.  Remaining in Chattanooga would have meant vulnerability to attack and a very precarious supply chain (that would cause problems in October 1863 for the Union army) which Negley seemed to have no interest in testing.

Casualties on both sides are difficult to verify, but the 79th Pennsylvania did have one man wounded--the first battle casualty of the war for the regiment.  Pvt. Joshua Geiter of Company A was wounded in the arm, although he returned to the regiment, dying in the Battle of Chickamauga in September 1863.  Geiter also was the son in the only father-son combination that I know about in the regiment.  His father Henry, a printer by trade who wrote to the Lancaster Intelligencer later in the war, served the entire war in Company I.

Strategically, although Union forces did not end up taking possession of Chattanooga, they accomplished their goal of attracting Confederate attention and proving that a division-sized force could hop over the mountain range and strike quickly against the city.   The battle is credited with causing Confederate troop redeployment that allowed Union forces to capture the Cumberland Gap eleven days later.

The expedition with its heavy marching, tall mountains, cool streams, excited Unionists, and lopsided battles certainly made a positive impression on the men of the Lancaster County Regiment.  Elias Witmer (bio) counted marching three hundred miles over fifteen days (read his letter here), and claimed the title of the most active marchers in all the Union army during that time.  Pvt. Lewis Jones gave the best review, though, "I woul not mist the trip for fifty dollars."

(If anyone has assembled a more complete picture of the battle, please let me know.  Some of the details presented above regarding casualties, Confederate movements, other Union infantry, etc., are incomplete.)

The Death and Funeral of Capt. John Dysart

Tombstone of Capt. John H. Dysart, Woodward Hill Cemetery (vws, ~2006)

Anyone who makes the very worthwhile visit to Woodward Hill Cemetery--one of two big cemeteries in Lancaster City--will find it hard to miss the rather stunning grave stone of Capt. John H. Dysart, which ranks among my favorites in a cemetery full of beautiful stones.  Dysart was the first officer of the 79th Pennsylvania to die during the war, succumbing to illness in a Louisville hospital on February 8, 1862.  Rumors of a serious illness of typhoid fever had been printed in Lancaster's newspapers in the weeks preceding, and news of his reached Lancaster on February 10.  The Daily Evening Express eulogized, "To the honor of his memory it should be written, that, as a man, he was as kind-hearted, humane, and generous, as he was patriotic, loyal, and efficient as an officer."  More privately, Lewis H. Jones connected Capt. Dysart's illness to his exertions trying to help Private Joseph Maxwell--Jones' brother-in-law in Dysart's company--in Maxwell's last days.

Advertisement for Thomas J. Dysart
(LEH, 3/7/1860)

Dysart had been thoroughly involved with the Lancaster Fencibles before the war, and would have gone of with the company that became Company B, 1st Pennsylvania Reserves (the "Union Guards"), had it not been for business responsibilities.  I haven't fully mapped out the relationships, but I think John Dysart's uncle and cousins ran a major jewelry establishment (which then included watchmaking) in Lancaster with a store on Centre Square.  His brother, Thomas J. Dysart, was an artist who would enhance and tint photographs.  John Dysart's profession is unclear, although there was a John Dysart listed (age 25) in the 1860 census for Salisbury Township, which was where much of Company C was recruited.  His mother applied for a pension after Dysart's death, alleging that Dysart's father had left her many years before and that her son was her only means of support (accessible at Fold3.com).  Obviously, more research is needed...

Dysart's remains reached Lancaster on February 11, and a funeral was held on February 13.  The Daily Evening Express gave the following account on the next day: (alternate link)

Better Know a Soldier: Lewis H. Jones

Union army camp scene (Mathew Brady via Fold3.com--Image ID B-270)
Lewis Jones unofficially served as a cook for Company H, 79th Pennsylvania.

Name: Pvt. Lewis H. Jones, Company H, 79th Pennsylvania
Born: December 5, 1824
Residence: 311 S. Queen St., Lancaster City (according to 3/24/1862 letter)
Occupation: Listed as "engineer" in 1860 census, although he was working in a restaurant for a Lancaster County miller named Jesse P. Ronk due to an economic downturn that hit Lancaster's industrial development pretty hard.
Death: Killed at Battle of Perryville, Kentucky, on October 8, 1862. 
Family: First marriage in 1844 to Mary Ann King with child William Henry Clay in 1845.  Second marriage on April 7, 1844, to Elizabeth Boullay/Boley/Boulalay with children: Paul James (1851-1853), Joseph Franklin (b. 1853-1933), Glancy (1855-1864), Washington (1857-1930), Theresa (1859-1940), and Freeland (1861-?). 

PA Civil War Veterans' Card File record for Lewis H. Jones.

Any research attempt to get accurate picture of the men of the 79th Pennsylvania suffers from a serious selection bias.  Illiterate soldiers tended to produce fewer letters, for instance.  Moreover, letters from soldiers to families that could be described as the working poor or working class seem to have had a very low chance of being saved.  Instead, the strongest historical voices from the Lancaster County Regiment come from well-educated men who hailed from economically stable families, often with deep roots in Lancaster County. 

Fortunately, we have a great exception in a year's worth of letters in the collection of the Lancaster County Historical Society from  Pvt. Lewis H. Jones.  Jones was one of a number of a identifiable group of "South Queen Street boys" who enlisted together in Company H, 79th Pennsylvania, and part of a family to whom the Civil War brought compounded tragedies. Jones' letters offer fascinating insights into how one soldier tried to help his wife, their four-then-five children, their relatives, and their neighbors avert disaster that always seemed to loom right around the corner. 

I mention Jones now for the emotional extremes he faced within a few days of each other as 1861 turned to 1862.  First, on December 28, 1861, his wife gave birth to their sixth son (fifth living).  The son was named Freeland after the teenage son of Jesse P. Ronk who with his wife employed Jones in their restaurant after he lost his industrial job and whom Jones held in high regard.  [Sidenote: Jesse P. Ronk was a wealthy miller near Bird-in-Hand.  The community Ronks in the heart of Amish country is supposedly named after Jesse Ronk]

Tragedy struck, though, nine days later when Jones' brother-in-law, Joseph Maxwell of Company C, 79th Pennsylvania, died on January 6 after minor complaints about irritation in the bowels somewhat suddenly took a fatal turn.  Jones, who would write letters for the illiterate Maxwell, and now took care of sending the body back to Lancaster for burial (at the cost of $40) and tended to Joseph's effects over the next month or two, sending much of his clothing back to Lancaster. 

As winter wore on, Jones' family, his sister-in-law's, and other South Queen St. families with men in the 79th Pennsylvania faced serious challenges for finding food, fuel, and medical care.  Lewis Jones even shipped discarded army clothing and food (dessicated vegetables with instructions to make soup) to his wife in March 1862 while the regiment was in Tennessee.  There was even a political and patriotic aspect of their suffering, as we'll revisit Elizabeth Jones, her sister, and her mother when they write an editorial in response to a smear campaign by one mayoral candidate against another that involved them.

There are many letter excerpts I'd like to present and historical angles to explore (what the letters say about relief work, marriage, life in the regiment, etc.), but I've hit the ceiling on the time I want to spend on this post.  I'll refer you to his letters, housed and transcribed at the Lancaster County Historical Society, and recently published in a book linked below. 

Sources and References:

• Lewis Jones Family Papers at the Lancaster County Historical Society.
• Ronk/Ranck family newsletter: http://ranck.org/Archive/Reporter/V19N1.pdf
• A Patriotic Destiny: From Lancaster to Perryville by Elwood Jones.  This book was written by a descendant and contains the LCHS letters interspersed with historical fiction.   
• Newspaper accounts of Joseph Maxwell's funeral.  

Christmas in Camp Wood

"Christmas Boxes in Camp" (HW 1/4/1862)

While far from the dinner tables and firesides of home, the Pennsylvanians encamped at Camp Wood, Munfordville, Kentucky, succeeded in celebrating some semblance of a Lancaster County Christmas in 1861. Pvt. Lewis Jones, who served as cook for Company H, erected one of the handful of Christmas trees to be found in Camp Wood and decorated it with hardtack and “speck,” which I believe is a Pennsylvania Dutch word for some sort of fatty meat (maybe army slab bacon?). Through December, the regiment had been receiving a steady stream of boxes from Lancaster via the Adams Express, and the pace picked up closer to Christmas with boxes full of food items such as fruit cakes, jellies, butter, wine, and cranberries, as well as clothing and other dry goods.

Earlier in December, Capt. William G. Kendrick remarked to his wife, “Boxes are coming every day for Captains in the Regiment.” Just after Christmas he added, “I got a large Box from the County with sausage Pudding pies, a Turkey, some chestnuts and other little knickknacks. There was a lot of things sent for me to distribute and all that had no name on it I kept for myself.” Unfortunately, the barrel of sauerkraut sent by the citizens of Lancaster, which I’ll post about soon, had not yet arrived, but it would be enjoyed a couple days later.

Another line officer, Lieut. John H. Druckenmiller of Company B, recorded the day’s events in his diary:

Morning fine and clear. Boys all in good humor on account of it being Christmas. Had Company Inspection at 9 o’clock. Colonel gave the men the privilege of going out of camp until 4 p.m. Had a regular Christmas dinner. Eat with Maj. Miles, Benedict, McCaskey, Blickensderfer, Lebkicker, Derby, & Rote. Had turkey pies which were sent by Mr. Blickensderfer. Had a Dress Parade at 4 1/2 p.m. Men all conducted themselves well today. Gen. Negley sent the Command Officers of the Regt. an invitation to spend the evening with him.

The best account, though, of Christmas in camp is a letter by the newly arrived Lieut. Ben Ober of Company K, 77th Pennsylvania, who spent some of his Christmas in the tents of his Lancaster friends with the 79th Pennsylvania. His description of the festivities, including a menu, begins in the letter’s fourth paragraph. From the January 1, 1862, Daily Evening Express:

**********************************************************************************************
**********************************************************************************************

FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT.
BANKS OF GREEN RIVER, KY. DEC. 26, 1861.

In my last letter I was in error in stating that the Green River Railroad bridge had been so far repaired as to allow the cars to pass over. I made the statement upon hearsay. The bridge is about half a mile from our camp, but hid from view by the high bluffs which rise along the banks of the stream. I discovered the error after I had mailed my letter, and then it was too late to rectify it. Yesterday afternoon I paid a visit to the bridge, and found that there is much work yet to be done before it can be of any use. There is one span of about 70 feet yet to be put up, an it will require several weeks to do the work. And until that is done I think there will be no advance of the Union army to the South side of the river. In the destruction of this bridge—which by the way is one of the finest iron bridges west of Pittsburg, and which cost nearly two hundred thousand dollars—the rebel managers have exhibited consummate strategic ability. When Buckner discovered that he could not advance on Louisville without being whipped, he retreated across this bridge and blew it up. His allegation that the bridge was destroyed “by mistake” is all fudge, and was made no doubt to satisfy the more impetuous sons of chivalry rather than acknowledge his weakness. He knew, too, that it would be no easy matter for the Union army to advance in force without first repairing the bridge, by which time he could strongly entrench himself at Bowling Green, and call to his aid reinforcements. He has had time to do both, and is now doubtless well prepared to give us a pretty warm reception.

Since the skirmish of the 17th, the rebels have not made their appearance in the vicinity of the river. Our pickets now extend some five or six miles south of the river, though the main body is encamped on the North side. Several times within the last week flags of truce have reached our lines with communications for Gen. Johnson. A few days since the bearer of one of these, an officer in the rebel army, was conducted to Gen. Johnson, when they recognized each other as old classmates. After a cordial shaking of hands the Sesher addressed Gen. Johnson with : “Why, Johnson, what the h—l are you fellows coming down here to fight us for!” Gen J. replied, “We are fighting to maintain the government.” “Well, if that is all,” said Sesesh, “and our people could be made to believe it, there would be no more trouble, our soldiers would lay down their arms. It is the general belief that you are fighting to free the slaves.”

That’s just it. All the trouble is owing to the persistence of the rebel leaders and rebel newspapers in deluding the mass of Southern people into this absurd belief. I could relate some of the most incredible stories prevalent among the lower classes of South, in reference to the objects of the war and of the character of Northern institutions. The tales of Baron Munchausen would pale before them. But the leaders see the desperate condition of their cause, and hence resort to the most unscrupulous falsehoods to prolong the struggle and save their own necks a little longer. The remark of the Governor of Arkansas, in a recent message, that “if the cause of the South fails, we who hold big offices will be ruined,” is a fair illustration of the logic of the whole crew, from Jeff Davis down to Buckner.

Yesterday (Christmas) was very generally observed in the different camps, no duty being performed except the usual guard duty and a dress parade in the evening. The boys from the Old Keystone State kept the holiday, after the traditions of their fathers and mothers—in truly royal style. For several days before the advent of the festival day, the country for miles around was scoured in search of the patriarchal gobbler. If unsuccessful in securing such a prize, anything that wore feathers was made to answer. Some, however, of the 79th, more fortunate than the rest of us, were supplied from Lancaster County barn-yards, and of course enjoyed the feast with additional zest. The subscriber had the pleasure of dining, in company with a number of the officers of the 79th, at the invitation of Lieut. Frank Kurtz, of Company I, in the marquee thereof. If I held the pen of the “gay and incomparable” Jenkins between my fingers, I would undertake to describe the “spread” in detail; but being a plain narrator of fact, I must content myself with a simple repetition of the

BILL OF FARE

Roast Turkey, with dressing and sauce.

Westphalia Ham, cold, sliced.

Lancaster County Butter.

Lancaster County Bread.

Cranberry Sauce.

Lancaster County Pickles.

Lancaster County Smoked Sausage.

Lancaster County Pound Cake, iced.

Coffee. (U. S.)

Lancaster County Loaf Cake.

Mince Pie.

English Cheese.

WINE LIST.

(The key of the wine cellar having been mislaid, the crystal water of the Green River was substitute.)

Now, no doubt, the perusal of this bill of fare will excite a smile on the face of more than one of your readers. But I must affirm that I never enjoyed a Christmas dinner with more zest than that of yesterday. All the substantials were present, if the et ceteras which usually grace the table at home on this festival were absent. The turkey was done to a turn, the ham was exquisite, and the mince pie would have tickled the palate of the most dainty epicure. The interior was prepared in Lancaster by the lady of one of the officers of Company I, and the frame-work constructed by the cook of the same company. I don’t exactly know whether these are the technical terms employed when making pies, but I think they are sufficiently comprehensive to be understood by the masculine reader: A lady of domestic habits would probably state the thing in a different way.

I spent an hour in the camp of the 79th, and found all hands enjoying themselves in the happiest manner possible under the circumstances. Some of the “boys,” with the traditions of “ye olden times” still fresh in their memories, put up Christmas trees in front of their quarters, and in lieu of the usual ornaments, profusely decorated them with army crackers and pieces of flitch. The trees bore a very distant resemblance to those which gladdened our hearts on Christmas morn, “when you and I were boys, dear Tom.”

In the 77th, the day was also happily spent. The usual rigid discipline was somewhat relaxed, and the men allowed more latitude than would be altogether prudent at all times. Many took occasion to call on their friends in the several encampments, and to visit the different points of interest in the neighborhood. But I am glad to say that none of them abused the privilege thus extended them. I passed through a number of encampments myself, but saw very little dissipation or disorder. In the evening our band serenaded a number of the officers, and made the night vocal with patriotic airs. The day throughout was pleasantly spent in the Division of the Cumberland. May all the brave hearts now here live to see many returns of the same festival!

The 77th is rapidly improving in discipline and drill, and will soon rank as one of the best regiments in the service. We have clothing in abundance, and the rations are both good and plentiful. There are over a hundred Lancasterians now in the regiment, the names of whom I will forward you shortly. To-morrow our regiment will cross to the South side of Green river on outpost duty.

The Rev. Chas. Steck, chaplain of the 79th, arrived a few days since and has assumed the discharge of his duties. He expresses himself much pleased with camp life.

BEN.

**********************************************************************************************
**********************************************************************************************

Santa Claus, 'we abhor you'!

Thomas Nast's famous depiction
of Santa Claus from 1881

Looking at Lancaster's newspapers of December 1861, I get the impression that Christmas observations and celebrations were fairly modern in almost every regard.  Basically, it involved a holiday centered around food, family, gift giving, and a special church service.  I don't know how prevalent it was nationally compared to Lancaster County with its Pennsylvania German and German German traditions, but Christmas trees appear to have been common.  Lewis Jones of Company H, 79th Pennsylvania, even took the time to erect a tree in camp and adorn it with hardtack and "speck" (slab bacon?).  Lancaster merchants and Philadelphia department stores launched Christmas-focused marketing campaigns, and Lancasterians who could afford it made an event out of a Christmas shopping expedition to Philadelphia.

The only thing missing, though, from an 1860s Christmas was Santa Claus' story, which was only then beginning to take shape.  A full-text search of the Pennsylvania newspapers project gives only 130 entries, with 26 coming from the Mariettian, Columbia Spy, and Lancaster Intelligencer.  The first mention appeared in the December 4, 1847, Spy in an advertisement for a candy store.  He pretty much disappeared for the 1850s, but returned in a humorous article, "Doesticks Sees Santa Claus," in the December 28, 1861, Spy that begins with the sentence, "I've seen him."  It looks as if Santa Claus had fairly broad recognition by the 1860s, but it would require a lot more cultural momentum before he'd get to the point where he is today.  Perhaps it would be accurate to say that he had more Easter Bunny status during the Civil War, although everyone seems to have known about the poem, "Twas the Night Before Christmas," judging by a parody that was printed and reprinted during the Civil War (which I'll post in the near future).

Not everyone appreciated the attention that Santa was receiving, especially some of the Lutherans of German heritage in the mid-Atlantic region.  In its December 25, 1861, edition, Lancaster's weekly Examiner and Herald reprinted a letter to the editor of the Lutheran Observer, which was based in Baltimore before being moved to Lancaster for a brief time.  The author protested the idea of Santa Claus as a direct attack on the German telling of the Christmas story, calling it a "Yankee caricature of a German Christmas" that served to "foist Satan on the little folks."  Here's the article: (alternate link)


Up next in a short series of posts about Christmas 1861: A dramatic story about a dangerous Christmas Eve crossing of the Susquehanna River set in Marietta in the 1830s.

Providing for Soldiers' Families

A soldier's family in camp, allegedly with the 2nd Pennsylvania Reserves.
Library of Congress, LC-USZC4-7983

In reading wartime newspapers and soldiers' letters to their wives, something that has stood out to me is the very precarious existence that many poor and working class soldiers' families often faced.  It appears that many soldiers' going off to war put their families at risk not just financially, but also in terms of basic physical needs (e.g., food, medical care, fuel for winter).  I don't know how soldiers' army pay compared to that of their prewar occupation, but delays in receiving pay and logistical barriers to sending pay home certainly made things difficult.

Although newspapers record a couple tragic stories of 79th Pennsylvania families, most soldiers' families seem to have coped with the war's difficulties through some combination of:

1. Remote support from the soldiers themselves through letters.  As well as basic emotional support, the letters often contained specific directions for managing finances, procuring necessary goods, and even raising children.  The Lewis H. Jones letters at the Lancaster County Historical Society are fantastic in this regard.  A working class father of several young children with another one on the way, Jones was one of several men from South Queen St. who joined Co. H, 79th Pennsylvania, while the regiment was being recruited.  Besides expressions of devotion, his letters to his wife Elizabeth give instructions for which bills to pay and with which priority, tell her at which stores to get goods and the status of their account there, and give words of support to pass on to children to encourage their good behavior: "Tell josey to be a good boy and go to school." (11/6/1861)  "Tell Washey and Josey that they must not go to the crik [presumably, Conestoga Creek] or I wont give them eney money to buy cakes and ice cream" (6/29/1862)
2. Support from informal familial and social networks.  Lewis Jones' letters reveal a somewhat strong network among the South Queen Street families and their soldiers in the 79th Pennsylvania.  When Jones' friend and wife's brother-in-law died of disease in early 1862, Joseph also tried to help the Maxwell family in many ways, including one note from an 6/25/1862 letter, "Give Josephine [Maxwell] a dollar to buy som things for her childern for the forth of July."  The city's professional class also occasionally worked pro bono on behalf of needy soldiers' families, and one doctor's alleged indifference toward the Maxwells became part of a libelous campaign against the doctor when he ran for mayor in 1862 (another story for a couple months down the road).     
3. Support from institutions, private and public.  Religiously-oriented aid groups, such as the Union Dorcas Society, had already existed in Lancaster before the war and easily extended their mission to meet the needs of soldiers' families.  The Mennonites, whose wealth (as a group) and pacifism sometimes made them targets of scorn among the war's supporters, appear to have contributed prominently to aid efforts for soldiers' families.  Finally, as the article below indicates, the Lancaster County Commissioners also arranged for public sources of aid for soldiers' families, but I don't know too much about how public aid worked, so I'll be likely to revisit this topic as I learn more about it in the future. 

From the August 27, 1861, Daily Evening Express: (alternate link), it's apparent that some soldiers' families faced hardships even before the regiment left Lancaster.  Read on further in the column for an appeal (with some humor) to ladies to knit stockings for soldiers.